New Delhi, Nov 28 (UNI) When Russian President Vladimir Putin holds his summit meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week, they will be reinforcing a longstanding complex web of relationship which encompasses political, strategic and economic ties, giving heft to both the nations.
But the bigger question being asked by many is, will it also reinforce the idea of a multi-polar world that many see emerging? The summit, after all, comes at a time when the rise of China, trade wars, actual conflict in Europe, West Asia and nearer home in Asia is threatening the world order as we have known it since the collapse of the Soviet Union.
Despite the changes all around, India’s long-standing strategic comfort with Russia continues to shape New Delhi’s foreign policy. Former Ambassador and author Rajiv Dogra noted that Moscow has repeatedly backed India at critical moments, “including by using its veto at the UN to shield New Delhi from pressure over Kashmir”.
Similarly, Dogra noted “we have stood by Russia even after the collapse of the Soviet empire and more recently by continuing oil purchases from Moscow despite strong US pressure.”
From the 1990s till the first decade of this century, the world saw a unipolar power scenario where USA was the sole global power. However, with the rise of China on the one hand and the emergence of a clutch of “middle powers” who include Russia, India, Germany and Indonesia, the world’s power structure is no longer the simple bi-polar one that existed post Second World War II till the collapse of the Soviet Union, when Moscow and Washington where the two nodes of the world order.
From Asia to Africa to Europe, these ‘Middle powers’ refuse to fit into the world order which either of the two most powerful countries in the world would like to see ordained.
“While Russia’s deepening alignment with China is widely acknowledged, Moscow remains wary of Beijing’s long-term ambitions and sees India as an essential strategic hedge,” Dogra pointed out.
New Delhi, for its part, has avoided condemning Russia over the Ukraine war and has resisted both American and European pressure to shift its stance. Putin’s visit, occurring despite the ongoing conflict, underscores that Moscow still places significant value on its relationship with India.
Putin’s trip, slated for December 4 –5, 2025, for the annual India-Russia Summit, will of course besides discussing global affairs, concentrate on advancing political, defence, nuclear and high-technology cooperation, areas that have historically anchored bilateral ties between the two and have become even more crucial in a world fractured by tariff wars, and renewed global tensions.
Indian and Russian officials are preparing a series of defence agreements that would mark one of the most substantial military-technical packages in years. New Delhi is expected to push ahead with plans to acquire more S-400 air defence systems after the platform’s performance during Operation Sindoor reinforced its value to India’s air defence grid.
Maj Gen Arun Roye (Retd), a defense analyst who had worked in Russia, said, “The Indian defence relationship with Russia is in large measure because of our need for committed and diversified defence partners, especially now that we live in a multi-polar world.”
The two sides are also expected to expand the BrahMos joint venture by approving work to extend the missile’s range, strengthening one of India’s most successful examples of Indo-Russian defence cooperation.
Besides, the Indian Air Force’s Su-30MKI fleet is likely to undergo a new round of upgrades, with discussions focused on integrating long-range RVV-BD air-to-air missiles that would significantly enhance India’s beyond-visual-range capabilities.
More ambitious talks on licensed production and transfer of technology of the Su-57E stealth fighter in India may or may also be part of a deal sweetener. But it is to seen whether India will go in for an untested system.
Maj Gen Roye, who is also Director of strategic think tank CENERS-K,said, “Going in for the Su-57E stealth fighter will be a political decision, but we should certainly look at that offer very seriously and we need to continue joint research and development with Russians in defense and other security related fields.”
Civil nuclear cooperation forms the second major pillar of Putin’s agenda, with both sides accelerating plans for new nuclear power projects.
Russia’s Rosatom and India’s Department of Atomic Energy are working on technical specifications for large VVER-1200 reactors and small modular reactors (SMRs), signalling a shift toward serial construction and higher localisation of components. India too has its own highly successful SMR programme. Cooperation between the two is a distinct possibility, officials who work in the sector believe.
Floating nuclear power plants and thorium-based designs under study add a layer of technological experimentation aligned with India’s clean-energy ambitions.
India is also a signatory to the nuclear power plant that Russia is building in Bangladesh, and has helped with various infrastructural equipment in the early stages.
India has also been major buyer of Russian oil which sparked a trade war of sorts, with the US slapping a penal 50 per cent tariff on most Indian exports. However a proposed peace deal in Ukraine and fast tracking of trade talks with Washington means, that relations between the three are likely to be on even keel.
Rare earths and critical minerals, an area where supply chains are vulnerable to geopolitical pressure, are emerging as an additional strand of cooperation. India, looking to diversify beyond China, is considering joint ventures in Russia’s mineral-rich Far East, along with scientific partnerships between institutions such as CSIR-IMMT and Russian research entities. Discussions include commercialising Russian rare earth processing technologies in India and setting up pilot projects that fit New Delhi’s strategy to develop domestic magnet and materials manufacturing for electric vehicles, clean energy systems and defence applications.
For New Delhi, the visit reinforces the message that its relationship with Moscow remains relevant despite deepening ties with the United States and Europe.
India continues to see Russia as a critical source of defence technology, spare parts and energy cooperation at a time when global supply chains are increasingly politicised.
“For Moscow, strengthening ties with India is a way to counter its growing dependence on China, secure markets for defence and nuclear exports, and demonstrate that sanctions have not isolated it from major emerging economies,” pointed out Maj Gen Roye.
