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Wednesday April 2, 2008

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Need to exercise restraint on Tibet 

The Indian Government adopted the right approach in reacting to the recent rioting in Lhasa and other towns and strongly resisted pressures from within and outside the country to condemn China for not granting the promised autonomy to the Tibetan people. It would be in India's interest if conditions were created inside Tibet Autonomous region to enable the Dalai Lama and his followers, living in Dharamsala and other towns, to return to their homeland and live in peace and harmony as Chinese citizens. For various reasons that has not happened and, therefore, New Delhi has no option other than restraining the Tibetans in exile, who sometimes give expression to their frustration over denial of their autonomy demand. In the process it has faced criticism from the opposition, including the Bharatiya Janata Party, which staged a walkout in Parliament over the Government's alleged inaction. In fact, New Delhi went further than expected while expressing distress at the "unsettled situation and violence in Lhasa".

It expressed the hope that all those involved would work to improve the situation and called on Beijing to remove the cause of such trouble in Tibet through dialogue. It could do no more, considering the active secessionist movements in the North-eastern part of the country, to urge China to sort out the problem peacefully on a permanent basis. China sees the Dalai Lama as a constant irritant to its efforts to win over the Tibetan people and integrate them fully. Having realized the impracticality of demanding independence, the Tibetan spiritual and temporal leader has been forced to moderate his stand and accept autonomy in which the political, spiritual and religious rights of the Buddhists are adequately protected. But, China says it will have nothing to do with him because he is intent on "splitting the motherland. Some observers feel that China is convinced that the Dalai Lama has become irrelevant to the present situation in the region and its strategy is to wait for his passing from the scene and them install a pliable successor. Having been troubled by a secessionist movement of Muslim Uighurs in XINJIANG, China is dead set against tolerating any movement aimed at disturbing the present relationship between the centre and the autonomous provinces and challenge the political system. This has once again been reiterated in Beijing's determination to "resolutely crush the Tibetan independence forces".

The lack of trust between the Dalai and Beijing runs so deep that there appears little room for compromise. The situation gets more complicated with the statements by Nancy Pelosy, Gordon Brown, Condoleezza Rice and others, which tend to internationalize the issue and amount to "interference in China's internal affairs". Despite Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's statement that the door of dialogue is still open to the Dalai Lama, provided he accepts Tibet and Taiwan as integral parts of the country, subsequent developments do not hold out much hope of the two sides engaging in discussions to end the trouble. The Chinese argument is that granting the Dalai's autonomy demand will open the pandora's box of similar demands by other ethnic minorities and lead to China's disintegration. President Hu Jintao, however, tacitly acknowledges dissatisfaction among the Tibetans, but insists this can be removed through appropriate administrative and political measures.

He told legislators from Tibet on the sidelines of the last session of the National People's Congress, that the stability and safety of Tibet is vital to the stability and safety of China. He asked them to improve their performance as regards "religious groups and ethnic minorities in order to maintain social harmony and stability in the region". He, thereby, acknowledges the need of the representatives putting in more hard work to attend to the grievances of the Tibetans. The Dalai Lama has complained of curtailment of the people's religious freedoms and practices, erosion of their linguistic and ethnic identity and fruits of development not reaching the local people. Tibetans have been observing the anniversary of the Tibetan National Uprising on March 10 every year, but this year's protests and demonstrations surpassed all previous levels and had distinct anti-Han Chinese overtones.

There was trouble also in the Lab rang monastery in Gensu province, Kirti Nonastery in Sichuan province and Rangwo monastery in Qinghai province. Tibet's traditional boundaries stretch into these provinces. In most places the main targets of mob attack were symbols of state power and government owned property, besides shops run by Han Chinese, who have descended on Tibet in the wake of economic development and infrastructure expansion. The protests were an embarrassment for a country anxious to project its image of harmony with its peaceful rise, having made heavy investments in cash and prestige in the Olympic Games. It has also brought the realisation that denunciation of the Dalai Lama has not succeeded in extirpating his influence among the Tibetans. The Dalai Lama has welcomed President Hu Jintao's "harmonious society" call which he says, must be paced through freedom, justice and equality -- a society that in turn necessitates elimination of Han chauvinism and local nationalism. It is clash between the two which often erupts in disorder and violence.

The Chinese Constitution guarantees regional autonomy to minority nationalities, but the complaint is that these are not fully observed in practice. It fails to serve the purpose of preserving and protecting the distinct identity, culture and language of the minority communities, which may ultimately be submerged in the sea of Han Chinese. The argument advanced for single administration for the entire Tibetan region is that the Tibetans must have the opportunity to fully maintain their distinctive cultural and religious identity. It is generally observed, as in India, that the local people often feel left out of the accelerated process of development and lament the erosion of their cultural traditions and values. Such is, partly, the case also in Tibet, which has witnessed remarkable economic development manifested in new factories, residential houses and business establishments and shopping areas. Tibet's GDP grew 14 per cent last year, personal incomes rose by 13 per cent in rural areas and 24.5 per cent in urban areas, but the complaint often heard that the main beneficiaries are outsiders.

With the opening up of business opportunities, Han Chinese from other parts of the country have set up establishments and also control the levers of political and administrative power. The Beijing-Lhasa train will bring tremendous economic benefits to Tibet, but it is also bringing more Han Chinese into the region and many of them stay behind and settle down in business and other forms of employment. There may be reasons for their lagging behind in the race of opportunity and prosperity, including lack of proper education and skills, but it is an irritant nonetheless. Political and economic liberalization must go hand in hand and not only one to the exclusion of the other. The chances of resuming the dialogue between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese Government do not seem bright at the moment. The last sixth round took place from June 29 to July 3, 2007 in Shanghai and Nanjing between the Dalai Lama's special envoy Lodi Gyatsu Gyari and Chinese vice-ministers Weiqun and Sither. The discussions were "candid and frank" with both sides expressing in strong terms their divergent positions and views on a number of issues.

Mr. Gyari later said the dialogue process had reached a "critical stage" admitting that the Chinese side may not find it easy to respond to the Dalai's proposal quickly. It is becoming clear that China is unwilling to make any concessions over the autonomy issue, though it would be advisable to keep him engaged. No successor will command such veneration. After his death, his "middle way" approach may not find acceptance with his followers and the autonomy movement may pass into the hands of volatile elements who may be prone to outside influences. China, perhaps, thinks that the overwhelming impact of economic development and prosperity that it will bring in will neutralize the autonomy demand. That may well be, but the Tibetans are so deep rooted in religion and traditions that these need protection in the interest of inter-ethnic and social and political harmony. All inclusive growth should cover also the Tibetans living in the vast countryside and in Lhasa's huge old quarter Beijing's effort to spread economic development evenly throughout China should not leave out Tibet. "Harmonious society" should protect Tibetan religious freedom which poses no threat to anyone. It needs concerted efforts at the political and administrative levels to win the affection of the Tibetans and to prevent outsiders meddling in Tibet.

MK Dhar, NPA 

 
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