"What
should determine the foundation of a State? Should it be values,
or biology?" As intellectuals try and grapple with this question,
the repercussions of the latest act in the long, unraveling
of Yugoslavia that began 17 years ago is all but over. Circumstances
in 1999, particularly the massacre of 44 Albanians in the
village of Racak, triggered a NATO intervention to protect
Kosovo's majority Albanians from Serb forces; and led to the
establishment of a U.N. protectorate in the region. The latest
amputation was made official with Kosovo's declaration of
independence on February 17, 2008. Kosovo's Parliament voted
109-0 to sever ties with Serbia, finally capping a struggle
for statehood. 11 deputies from ethnic minorities, including
Serbs, abstained. "Kosovo is a republic- an independent, democratic
and sovereign state," Parliament Speaker Jakup Krasniqi said
as the chamber burst into applause. "From now onward, Kosovo
is proud, independent, sovereign and free," Prime Minister
Hashim Thaci, a former anti-Serb guerrilla leader, said, also
committing to confront the painful legacy of the past in a
spirit of forgiveness and reconciliation. Across Pristina,
the capital of Kosovo, revellers danced in the streets, fired
guns into the air and waved red and black Albanian flags in
jubilation.
On the other hand, the Serbian President Boris Tadic, reacted
by saying that his country will never accept Kosovo's "unilateral
and illegal" declaration. "Kosovo will never get a seat at
the UN. as long as Serbia has the support of Russia and its
President Vladimir Putin," said Aleksandar Vucic of the opposition
Radicals, Serbia's biggest party. The most extreme reaction
came from the head of the Serb Orthodox Church in Kosovo,
Bishop Artemije, who denounced Serbia for doing nothing. He
called for extreme actions with help from Russia, saying that
Kosovo's independence was "a temporary state of occupation".
Many legal, emotional and demographic complexities add to
the contentiousness of the issue.
Kosovo is a province, not a republic like the other post-Yugoslav
States, and the legal grounds for its secession from Serbia
are hotly contested. Over half of the Serb population in Kosovo
lives south of Mitrovica, scattered in smaller enclaves, some
of which could be just as big a headache for the Pristina
government and its backers. In the Lipjan area near the centre
of Kosovo, 10,000 Serbs live uneasily alongside a similar
number of Albanians. Moreover, Kosovo is for the Serbs, a
sacred territory, for it was here, at Kosovo Polje (Blackbird
Field), that Serbs were defeated and subjugated by the Turks
in 1389. It had been the heart of their medieval State and
Serbs believed that it must be forever a part of Serbia, even
though by the mid-80s, 90 per cent of the population was Albanians.
It did not take much time before Kosovo's move had its "domino
effect" in the region. The main opposition Bosnian Serb Party
called for the independence of the Serb-run half of Bosnia,
citing Kosovo as a precedent. Since its 1992-95 war, Bosnia
has consisted of two entities, the Serb-run Republika Sprska
(RS) and the Muslim-Croat Federation, each with their own
government, parliament and police force.
A resolution was adopted by the RS Parliament saying that
if most European Union countries and the US recognise Kosovo's
independence, then RS would have the right to secede from
Bosnia and Herzegovina. In its reaction, EU ambassadors meeting
in Sarajevo denounced the Bosnian Serbs' position, saying
the two entities "have no right to secede" under the Dayton
Peace Accords, 1995. Tadic has called the National Security
Council to meet urgently after riots targeted western embassies
in Belgrade. He condemned the violence, looting and arson
that followed. Missions of US, Croatia, Germany, Canada, Turkey,
Belgium and Bosnia as well as businesses and stores from countries
the mob regarded as hostile to Serbia were attacked. Reminiscent
of the cold war years, the present crisis has been made unamusingly
more interesting by the US and Russia supporting opposite
sides. A resurgent Russia under Putin tried to make itself
heard in various international issues and Kosovo is no exception,
owing to its geographical proximity. Over a dozen nations
have recognised Kosovo's declaration, including the U.S.,
Britain, France, Italy and Germany.
But, the move has been rejected by Serbia. It recalled its
ambassador from Washington and has threatened to do the same
with countries that establish diplomatic ties with Kosovo,
though it said it would not sever relations. Joining Russia
in its support to Serbia are countries like China, Spain and
Cyprus. In fact, the countries which have rejected Kosovo's
declaration can be seen grappling with some form of secessionist
activities. They are worried about the kind of precedent that
Kosovo will set for activities inside their own countries.
As expected, China, a veto wielding member of the United Nations
sided with Russia in supporting Serbia. It fears possible
unilateral declaration of independence by Taiwan and Tibet,
both of which the Chinese claim are under its sovereignty
and jurisdiction.
Although, Taiwan's call for a referendum for a U.N. membership
has died down for the moment with a new president, the Taiwan
issue is all but extinct. On the other hand, the unrest in
Tibet and its repercussions in China's external affairs and
the fate of the Olympic Games are still unravelling. At the
same time, Russia, the backbone of Serbia, is conscious of
the political implications of Kosovo's decision for the separatist
movement within its own borders, in Chechnya. Russia has even
warned that it will retaliate against Kosovo's independence
by recognising the two breakaway regions of Abkhazia and South
Ossetia, which are now integral parts of Georgia, a U.N. member
state Countries like Sri Lanka, which has long fought a Tamil
separatist movement in its northern and eastern provinces,
has warned that Kosovo's declaration could set "an unmanageable
precedent in the conduct of international relations" and is
a violation of the U.N. charter which guarantees sovereignty
of nation States. Since the 60s, the Philippines have been
fighting the Moro National Liberation Front seeking a Muslim
nation-state in Sulu Mindanao.
The Thai government has been battling the Pattani United Liberation
Front, founded in 1968, and whose ultimate objective is a
Muslim State in southern Thailand. In Europe, the reservations
over Kosovo's independence have come from Romania, Spain,
Greece, Slovakia and Cyprus -- some of whom are either facing
potential secessionists or distraught minorities. Senior Palestinian
officials also accused the western countries of adopting double
standards, hinting that the Palestinians had been fighting
for a Sate for almost 60 years. Interestingly, India despite
facing secessionist movements in different parts of the country,
has been seemingly mute over this issue; even after reports
came that separatists in Jammu and Kashmir were overjoyed,
with Shabir Shah hailing "Kosovo's Independence Struggle"
and asserting that the day is "not far of when Kashmir will
be free" and with his compatriot Yasin Malik appealing to
the "world community, especially the EU, to play a Kosovo-like
role to get the dispute in Kashmir settled".
The Foreign Office statement read: "We have taken note of
the unilateral declaration of Independence by Kosovo. There
are several legal issues involved in this declaration. We
are studying the evolving situation". India pointed out that
recognition was given to a country with a defined territory
(which is in dispute with respect to Kosovo), a duly accepted
government (the Kosovo administration is interim) which has
control over an area of governance (not so in Kosovo's case).
"It has been India's consistent position that the sovereignty
and territorial integrity of all countries should be fully
respected by all States. We have believed that the Kosovo
issue should have been resolved through peaceful means and
through consultation and dialogue between the concerned parties,"
added the Foreign Office, leaving little doubt about India's
sympathies. During a high profile visit to Serbia, Putin's
successor Dmitry Medvedev, reiterated Moscow's support for
Belgrade in its standoff with the west over Kosovo.
This
is in contrast to George W. Bush's statement that Russia was
very much a part of the consultations before the U.S. made
its decision public. The turn of events could not be more
complex. Responding to a Serbian government pledge to rule
Serb-dominated parts of Kosovo following its secession from
Serbia, Mr. Thaci, said, "I am constantly in touch with NATO
to prevent anyone from touching even one inch of Kosovo's
territory." On the other hand, Russia's envoy to NATO, Ambassador
Rogozin has warned the alliance from breaching its mandate
and meddling in politics in Kosovo. Add to this that the U.S.
Under Secretary of State Nicholas Burns has committed the
continuation of NATO's mission in Kosovo and an increase of
aid. Last but not the least, some power play can be foreseen
at the UN over the legality of the EU plans to transfer United
Nations Mission in Kosovo jurisdiction to its mission, EULEX;
pursuant to UN Security Council Resolution 1244, adopted in
1999. As it seems, the unravelling of events in the Balkan
region have yet to reach its climax.
Monish Tourangbam, -INFA
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