Having experienced prolonged violence and mayhem, and still in the grip of political turmoil, the people of Nepal are getting ready for the April Constituent Assembly elections to re-write their future and usher in democracy. They look forward to a period of peace and democratic governance and rebuilding their lives, though still apprehensive of last ditch attempts by the suspended king and the feudal elements patronized by the royalty over the centuries to disrupt the poll by creating disturbance.

Although the government has settled the violent year-long agitation by Madhesis inhabiting the southern part of the country, lawless elements are still on prowl, waiting to put hurdles in the way of the democratic exercise. Even a section of the Maoists, who have been left out in the cold following the comprehensive peace deal signed by their leaders with the government, are unreconciled to peace and still pose a threat.

Even their supreme leader Prachanda admits to differences with cadres over adopting a peaceful, democratic route to political change. He, however, hopes that after a recent meeting of the Maoist Central Committee, a new unity has been forged, with polls as the focus. Nepal was suspended between opportunity and challenges emanating mainly from royalists and feudal elements, who fear for their existence when a republican constitution, in which monarchy has no place, is promulgated.

He also fears that Maoists in neighbouring India, who was upset about their abandoning the violent path to achieve their goals, might also try to create problems. However, the octogenarian Prime Minister, Mr. G.P. Koirala, who has reportedly expressed a desire to retire after the Constituent Assembly elections, is confident that the elections will take place as scheduled, since an understanding has been reached with the Government of India to strengthen security in the border areas to curb incidents of violence in the Terai area.

Defending the agreement with representative organizations of Maddhesis on autonomy and proportional representations, he rules out dialogue with armed groups before the elections and wants them also to participate in the democratic exercise. Prachanda tendered a virtual apology for the misdemeanor of the Youth Communist League due to failure on his part to communicate formal instructions to it to observe the cease fire with the government. It needs to be noted that the support for the Maoists rested largely on marginalized communities, such as, ethnic groups, Dalits and the landless.

Many of them feel that the change in policy of the leadership amounts to a betrayal of the "cause". They created a militant mood among the supporting cadres but have not so far delivered on their concerns. Their silence on issues relating to rights of the Dalits and landless has allowed other identity-based groups to co-opt these communities. At the same time, by not living upto the spirit of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement and, instead, trying to undercut the Maoists, mainstream parties and international players have only tried to weaken the moderates among the Maoist leadership.

There has been a long delay in the appointment of a Commission on the Disappeared, as well as, providing minimal support to the families of those killed in the civil war. These are some of the questions which the Maoists have to answer without actually being in government as decision-makers and they have not been able to organize humanitarian assistance for the displaced and the distressed. The security situation has been affected by the confusion in governance structures.

Former Human Rights Commissioner Sushil Pyakurel, during a tour of 14 districts, found total breakdown in the structure of governance as everything needed the approval of the Eight Party Alliance and coordination committees were non-existence. Some regard the Youth Communist League (YCL) as the villain of the piece, comprise as it does of commanders of the People's Liberal Army, who have been kept out of the cantonements. They have been using rough methods of policing and even extortion to feed themselves.

The strength of the YCL is estimated at about 100,000 which reflects the Maoist's interest in creating a contingency forces. The involvement of the Maoists in multiparty democracy emerged from a two-line struggle and that tendency is regaining strength.

The transition to democracy became possible only when the Army refused to side with the king in his crackdown on peaceful agitators demanding restoration of democracy. The Army and the Prime Minister have reportedly struck a deal under which the Army committed itself formally to a civilian government, instead of the realty, in return for a guarantee that its structure, leadership and lucrative contracts will not be touched.

For some reason, the Army leadership is opposed to the integration of the Maoists in the armed force. This has made the Maoists unhappy because they believed that the ragtag soldiers, who fought fierce battles with the king's Army over the years, would be pacified by providing them jobs in the Army into which they could be integrated after some training. But, the Army leadership feels that such a stop would affect the morale on the ranks and would not be conducive to its efficient functioning. The Maoist foot soldiers are far too many to be integrated into a small Army as that would change its entire complexion.

An important element in security sector reform is securing the future of the Maoists residing in cantonments. The trouble in the Terai cannot be said to be over with the accord with the United Democratic Madhesi Front (UDMF), which promises that all ethnic groups will be proportionately represented in government organizations. It also pledges that such groups will gain their own "autonomous regions", thus decentralizing the country. These and other promises have persuaded the madhesi parties to join the electoral fray. Madhesis constitute nearly 35 per cent of Nepal's population and have faced the twin crisis of identity and exclusion over the years, They have often been derisively described as "outsiders" and have not found a place in the national mainstream.

They have extensive cultural, linguistic and kinship ties with the people of neighboring Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Under the monarchy they were treated as third-class citizens and ignored in government and other jobs. With the possibility of the opening up of democratic space, they demanded an equitable electoral system, inclusion in state structures and a commitment to federalism and other symbolic steps that would give them respect as equal citizens. The royalists are upset over the agreement and have warned of a new Komoro in youth Nepal. Unexpectedly, the Left parties too have not taken kindly to the accord because it was not consulted. They argue that autonomy based on ethnicity is not possible in a country where people of different and ethnic groups are geographically intermingled. But, there is no denying that the majority of the Madhesis have a uniform ethnic and linguistic composition and inhabit southern Nepal.

After the elections, the parties jointly must address this issue and sort out the differences between the Madesis and Maoists, between the people living in the hills and the plains and among the Madhesis themselves. The Constituent Assembly shall have to devise steps to meet the demands of all these sections and bring them round to an agreed arrangement which takes care all the fault lines. Campaigning by various parties is now in full swing and the Election Commission excludes confidence about the logistical preparations. However, some disgruntled Maoists, royalists and feudal may make a last ditch effort to disrupt the polls, but are unlikely to succeed. The Maoists, after securing agreement on removal of the monarchy and a republican form of government, have deferred their other demand of federal restructuring on the basis of community restructuring. The royalists and feudal elements are banking on the support of the likes of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh. The Indian Government, however, want the elections to go through, a new constitution to be drafted and the Maoists absorbed fully in the mainstream and the future of the monarchy to be decided by the people's representatives.

The Maoists are pledging to transform Nepal into a very rich country and may even propose Prachanda for the post of first president of the Republic. The Party plans to boost the countries per capital income to $ 3,000 in ten years from the current $ 270 and make Nepal one of with world's richest countries in 40 years. More than 70 parties from Maoists to diehard royalists are currently campaigning for the Elections. A heavy responsibility will rest on members of the Constituent Assembly who are to transform Nepal's political structure and dig the roots of democracy deep in its fertile soil.